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Eight out of thirty-nine hospitals in Lebanon had well established prenatal care classes, however only three actually enrolled all women in these classes.

There were other forms of providing, such as information at a low, only having four hospitals giving written information regarding care during the labor as well as delivery.

Six healthcare providers reported that inquiring women about their preferences. Furthermore, few gave women any opportunity for procedures such as shaving, enema or fetal monitoring application.

Lastly, it was seen that all places had strict mobility for women in the delivery process, including eight who tied their arms and legs.

Since their economy has grown about 8 percent but not significantly enough as they are still a country highly in debt from war.

Women in correlation with the economy have been able to participate since the s but they are still underrepresented in the labor force and are the first to be negatively impacted when the economy fails.

Currently in Lebanon, Article of their Law of Contracts and Obligations allow men and women the same right to own and administer property.

Married women can even own and manage their property separately regardless of their religious affiliation. For example, if a woman's husband declare bankruptcy then there are restrictions that are put on the women's property but not the man's.

Furthermore, there is some legal wording that makes it harder for women to stand completely independently economically because women's property, if married are considered purchases by the man's money and technically considered an asset of the man's unless proven otherwise.

Women have the right to work in Lebanon. Though given the right more men are still seen in the work force than women see figure 4 below by the Institute of Women's Policy research.

More women especially those between the age 36 to 55 tend to stay in the home and tend to their family and raising children, playing into the social norms of women's role in Lebanon's patriarchal society.

Although men are relatively represented more in the work force, women still work. Women are more likely to take on part-time jobs if they do work as they have to tend to their household duties as well.

Article 29 of Lebanon's Employment Act was amended to increase maternity leave ; however, Lebanon does meet the standard given by the ILO convention granting women no less than 12 weeks.

Not to mention Lebanon does not offer services to help with childcare making it hard for women to indulge themselves completely in the work force and paternity leave is not offered at all.

Common jobs for women who do work are generally in the service area or do specialists work see figure 6 below by Institute of Women's Policy research to see other jobs women take part in.

Women's salaries compared to their male counterpart is drastically different. Men tend to make more than women causing a vast gender wage gap.

Three times as many men as women make more than dollars per month while three times as many women as men earn less than dollars a month.

There is also a big gap between pay based on a woman's age. The younger the woman the more likely she is to be paid less 2 out of every 3 young women earn dollars or less as increase in pay comes with years of experience.

In order to understand the true importance of the women's movement in Lebanon, it is important to first understand the government and social norms prevalent within the Middle East.

The government of Lebanon operates on a parliamentary scale which includes representatives of each recognized religious organizations in addition to one prime minister which determines the laws that regulate the country.

This Parliament is composed entirely of people who openly practice patriarchal religion. Lebanese women won the right to vote in However, since that victory, only seventeen women have served in the Lebanese parliament.

Not only do each of these religions have their own place in Parliament, they also have their own courts and codes of conduct.

While Lebanon is often seen as a very liberal country, arguably the most liberal country within the Middle East, the systematic oppression of women is still prevalent.

Currently, women are able to: marry freely while understanding that divorce may bring about a great deal of socioeconomic hardships, vote as long as they are able to prove that they have obtained an elementary education, have jobs as long as those jobs do not encroach on their domestic obligations, and walk around in public without having to wear hijabs.

Unfortunately, even with all of those superficial rights, women are still subjected to unwanted advances and social discrimination. Constitutionally, Lebanese women and men are regarded as equals; however, they are not free from laws and publicly accepted socialized behaviors which encourage male intervention of those rights in the name of honor or family preservation.

Lebanon is guided by 15 or more religious codes and courts including Shi'a , Sunni , Maronite Christians , and Druze parties, all of which "compete to preserve narrow sectarian interests, not those of a unified Lebanon".

They contribute greatly to women's movements by virtue of their research and publications. One such project, Who is She, was designed after IWSAW conducted research to determine how many contemporary Lebanese women in professional positions are widely known to the public.

This is a database that provides the public with "easy access to bibliographical information on a large number of contemporary women in one of the following categories: opinion leaders, senior managers, politicians, professionals, artists, researchers, and experts within a wide range of subjects".

For example, many women within the Palestinian resistance movement live in Lebanese camps. These women "have political meetings at night and often sleep away from home.

Many have been called prostitutes for doing so. But they have stood fast saying that their country comes before family". In most Middle Eastern countries, Lebanese women are regarded as symbols of the nation, not necessarily as active members.

As most contemporary Lebanese women are not known for their contributions outside of the world of scholars, many women's movements go undocumented and are brushed under the rug by the patriarchal government.

Between and , many Lebanese people protested in opposition of the Prime Minister, Fouad Siniora. Since the Prime Minister and parliament are the individuals approving laws, such protests were important especially for women.

At the forefront of these protests were major women's organizations NGOs. One feminist NGO which tackled exploitation and violence on women was Kafa.

Kafa, which was founded in , along with many other women's organizations, aims to diminish social, legal, and economic forms of patriarchy in order to stop violence against women and children.

They proposed a law, which was drafted in , that was to stop domestic violence against women, including marital rape. This NGO group wrote letters to the Cabinet of Ministers which later stated that they would vie for legal reform and protect women against family violence.

After much lobbying and protesting, people within these NGOs succeeded in pushing the draft law to the parliament where it sat in arrest.

Over time, while it was stuck at Parliament, this law was amended continuously due to objections of religious conservatives.

The biggest disagreement regarding this law was one of the most prevalent issues for women: marital rape. Suggestions to amend the law included removal of the segment outlining marital rape as a crime.

Although passing that law may lead to the decrease of many violent situations within the household, its proposed amendment will defeat the purpose of the law.

Some women's activists would argue that the myriad of amendments within this law makes the law detrimental to the advancement of women in Lebanon.

Because there are so many differences within each of the religious courts, domestic violence is handled in a different way depending on which region a woman is involved with.

It is frowned upon for a woman to ever initiate a divorce, in mostly all of the religious sectors of the parliament. In some courts, a woman asking for a divorce must obtain a substantial amount of evidence regarding her husband's indiscretion.

Likewise, if a man were seeking a divorce, in many courts he could obtain that divorce with very little evidence, and in the name of honor or family preservation.

In addition, a woman who goes to her family for support in filing for a divorce may be met with both opposition to her decision, and shame surrounding it.

Such socially accepted beliefs actively contribute to the marginalization of women's voices in Lebanon. In December , the Campaign Against Lebanese Rape Law - Article was launched to abolish the article in the penal code that allowed a man to escape prison if he married his victim.

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Mr Philip Webbe, a representative of the Silver Wings Group in Nigeria, said the Lebanese community and its Embassy in Nigeria had facilitated the return of the girls with the support of the Nigerian government.

Webbe said it was in fulfilment of their promise that they would not leave any Nigerian girl stranded in Lebanon.

We are evacuating stranded Nigerian girls that are in Lebanon. These girls had nobody to assist them to bring them back to Nigeria.

One of the returnees who spoke on condition of anonymity appreciated the Nigerian and Lebanese governments for ensuring their safe return back home.

She said that if not for the assistance, they would have been left stranded in Lebanon as they could not afford to buy tickets to return home.

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